Respeito aos outros poderes é marca do governo Dilma?
Autor | Michael Freitas Mohallem |
Páginas | 217-218 |
Page 217
Sistemas de separação de poderes, como o Brasil, apostam na capacidade de um poder limitar a ação do outro. Mas essa inluência está também sujeita a certos limites, que são verdadeiramente testados apenas em momentos de diiculdade, como a atual crise do governo Dilma Rousseff. A presidente tem respeitado o funcionamento das instituições?
Embora não existam indicadores institucionais consensuais de interferência de um poder nos demais, as últimas décadas de vida demo-crática nos deram alguns parâmetros. Três deles nos interessam neste momento: a indicação pela presidente de ministros do STF, a indicação do chefe do Ministério Público Federal e a atuação da Polícia Federal.
Em relação ao STF, não pairam dúvidas sobre as indicações de Dilma quanto à independência em relação ao executivo. Para citar apenas o exemplo mais visível neste momento, o ministro Teori Zavascki, terceiro indicado de Dilma, tem atuado como relator dos processos da Operação Lava Jato sem qualquer sinal de constrangimento diante da possibilidade de ter o futuro do governo nas mãos. Essa é uma virtude individual de cada ministro, mas nos diz algo também sobre como os critérios da presidente na hora de escolher quem indicar para posições tão importantes.
Mesmo quando sofreu ataques diretos, Dilma recuou e procurou mostrar desprendimento. A "PEC da Bengala" talvez tenha sido o mais explícito e casuístico uso de uma emenda constitucional para enfraquecer um presidente. Privou Dilma de cinco indicações para o Supremo, e tantas outras para tribunais superiores e federais. Mas a presidente
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sequer contestou a PEC junto ao STF. Em sua resposta oicial, viu no episódio uma expressão de soberania na atuação parlamentar.
Na mesma linha, a indicação do procurador da República mais votado pela categoria é uma prática recente (desde o governo Lula), mas que se tornou importante na última década. Até aqui, Dilma seguiu o critério, e não há indicativos de que fará diferente em setembro próximo, quando decidirá a recondução de Janot - ainda que, com isso, fortaleça a investigação contra seus ministros e base no Congresso. Essa não é uma regra legal, apenas uma tradição sobre a qual pesa certa expectativa. Mas...
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PEÇA SUA AVALIAÇÃO- O Supremo em 2015
- Os três poderes
- Respeito aos outros poderes é marca do governo Dilma?
- A PEC do desrespeito ao Supremo
- Quando o casuísmo muda a Constituição
- Um recado para o STF
- A pedalada constitucional de Eduardo Cunha
- Nem notável saber jurídico, nem reputação ilibada
- Fachin não encantou, nem escandalizou
- Ligações perigosas
- O processo de impeachment será aberto ou secreto?
- O Estatuto da Família e a voz do Congresso
- Supremo precisa discutir afastamento de Cunha da Presidência da Câmara
- Concentrador, errático e arriscado: o processo de escolha de Fachin
- A política como inimiga
- Qual ministro indicado pelo PT para o STF teve mais votos no Senado?
- A história dos rejeitados
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