Quando o casuísmo muda a Constituição
Autor | Felipe Recondo |
Páginas | 223-225 |
Page 223
A proposta de emenda constitucional que aumenta a idade de aposentadoria para ministros de tribunais superiores é tão casuística quanto seria, neste momento, a aprovação do im do foro privilegiado para julgamento de autoridades políticas pelo STF.
A PEC da Bengala, aprovada na quarta-feira em primeiro turno na Câmara, tem como objetivo único impedir que a presidente Dilma Rousseff indique mais cinco ministros do STF até 2018. Hoje, o STF é majoritariamente composto por ministros indicados por governos do PT. Com mais cinco indicações, 10 dos 11 integrantes da Corte terão chegado ao cargo pelas mãos do ex-presidente Lula e de Dilma Rousseff.
O que oicialmente fundamenta a PEC da Bengala? Dois argumentos indisfarçadamente diversionistas: a ideia de que a proposta aproveita a experiência e sabedoria de juízes no cume da carreira e de que a alteração pode poupar os cofres da Previdência.
Curiosamente, a PEC não se aplica às demais carreiras de estado. Para encurtar a tramitação da proposta, o Congresso deixará para lei subsequente a alteração da idade para todo o funcionalismo público. Só se pode falar em benefício para a Previdência se a regra valer para todas as carreiras. E mesmo assim a sociedade deve discutir alguns pontos: com o aumento da idade, o número de jovens nas carreiras públicas diminuirá e a burocracia estatal só se cristalizaria.
O que, efetivamente, incomoda um Congresso ansioso por auferir máximos dividendos da crise de gestão e de liderança do governo? A insuportável ideia de que, mantida a regra constitucional, o PT terá nomeado, ao inal de 2018, 10 dos 11 ministros da Suprema Corte. E por que isso seria ruim?
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Conforme se crê, mesmo na ausência de evidência empírica sistemática, um tribunal com maioria de ministros indicados por um partido seria subserviente a esta legenda. O que os fatos parecem mostrar, contudo, é que os ministros nomeados nos últimos doze anos se comportaram de modo independente, muitas vezes votando em sentido contrário ao governo nos casos politicamente mais incendiários.
O espírito dessa proposta combinaria a outra que tramita no Congresso com deliberada lentidão, mas que pode ser sacada a qualquer momento: o im do foro privilegiado para deputados e senadores. Originalmente, o intuito é evitar que autoridades se beneiciem da lentidão da Justiça e respondam a processo na primeira instância.
Agora, porém, o objetivo (errado ou não) poderia ser desvirtuado. Alterada a Constituição...
Para continuar a ler
PEÇA SUA AVALIAÇÃO- O Supremo em 2015
- Os três poderes
- Respeito aos outros poderes é marca do governo Dilma?
- A PEC do desrespeito ao Supremo
- Quando o casuísmo muda a Constituição
- Um recado para o STF
- A pedalada constitucional de Eduardo Cunha
- Nem notável saber jurídico, nem reputação ilibada
- Fachin não encantou, nem escandalizou
- Ligações perigosas
- O processo de impeachment será aberto ou secreto?
- O Estatuto da Família e a voz do Congresso
- Supremo precisa discutir afastamento de Cunha da Presidência da Câmara
- Concentrador, errático e arriscado: o processo de escolha de Fachin
- A política como inimiga
- Qual ministro indicado pelo PT para o STF teve mais votos no Senado?
- A história dos rejeitados
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