Leaderships in urban contexts of diversity innovation: the Porto Maravilha case.

Autorde Oliveira, Fatima Bayma
CargoRio de Janeiro, Brazil - Case study

Introduction

The role and relevance of cities in economic, institutional and social organization have been widely recognized in recent decades because of their centrality with regard to population's everyday life--a space that encompasses basic trades and services, an arena of social interaction, job generation, and many more purposes. Furthermore, various contemporary studies have shown their important role in attracting investments and as a stage for major urban interventions, which not only have the physical infrastructure but also local social structures. Therefore, it is worth reinforcing the importance of studies that contribute to a clearer understanding of such implications (Castells & Borja, 1996; Ferreira, 2007; Monte-Mor, 2005).

Soja's study (2009) suggests that at present we can attain balance between the social, historical and spatial perspectives. Space starts to be seen as something dynamic and complex, full of action, contradictions and social processes, and not as a fixed component, without significant impact on social relationships, as it has been traditionally viewed.

Castells and Borja (1996) argue that the city as a protagonist must be regarded as a complex multidimensional social player, since it is the key locus of articulation between the different jurisdictions of public authority, civil society and the private sector.

In Latin America--unlike in European and North American countries--cities only gained prominence in the 1990s, boosted by political democratization processes. The consolidation at this level depends, for example, on development of major local projects containing local and private stakeholders, with the effective participation of public agents. Therefore, the investigation of this contemporary phenomenon could contribute to a clearer understanding of the leadership role in the context of protagonist cities.

In this logic of attracting urban change projects, the city becomes a merchandise/product that needs to develop differentials that ensure a competitive edge over other public spaces. In this context of interurban rivalry, the quality/location of space now becomes decisive in attracting investments (Araujo, 2011).

Castells and Borja (1996) raise the concept of market cities, which are now looked to as answers for five objectives: new economic base, urban infrastructure, quality of life, social integration and governability. One of the main approaches to making a city competitive and protagonist is to adopt the typical management model of private enterprise. This urban entrepreneurialism consists of a shift to reviewing the ways local governments do business, seeking to develop competitive edges and greater efficiency in urban management (Araujo, 2011; Compass, 2004; Harvey, 1989; Luchiari, 2005)

In the framework of professional urban management, the role of cities' political, community, business leaderships and their relations with other social players is questioned. After all, strategic city planning--commonly associated with the notion of entrepreneurial city (Borja & Castells, 1997; Hall, 1995; Harvey, 1989; Kavaratzis, 2007; Vainer, 2000)--eventually weakens urban planning as a sole enterprise of the State, reinforcing perspectives of market rationality and style of leadership clinging more to business enterprises (Luchiari, 2005; Martinez, 2012).

In this sense, two implications are important in terms of leadership: one refers to the appropriation by public leaders of discourses and management practices typical of the corporate world--that can overcome the shortcomings from over-centralization and formality; and the other concerning a need to decentralize the power and decisions relating to urban planning with other players, whether private companies, civil society and so on. Thus, the search is to exercise a shared leadership, which is challenging given the diversity of the stakeholders' interests (Fischer, 1996).

So how are different social practices adopted when furthering sustainable organizational and territorial development? Development is built on inter-institutional, inter-organizational and interpersonal relations, reflecting multiple interests of the stakeholders operating in the global, local and organizational spheres. The universe of analysis is comprehensive and abstract, and may reconcile several power scales (Fischer, 1996).

With this context as a benchmark, this study aimed to analyze leaders and different social players' roles and ways of doing business in the urban context characterized by a process of cultural, socioeconomic and urban revitalization. To do so, it was opportune to: (a) describe the public space (Porto Maravilha, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil), considering the conditions of diversity and innovation (Jacobs, 2011) and the cultural and socioeconomic dynamics of the region studied; and (b) investigate the role and influence of emerging leaders and players in the context in question.

In methodological terms, a qualitative study was set up, using in-depth interviews (a total of twenty-one) and documentary analysis as collection tools. The selected case was the Harbor Area of the city of Rio de Janeiro, which has been undergoing extensive cultural, socioeconomic and urban revitalization since 2011. Not only is it one of the largest intervention projects ever in the city, but is also an extremely important cultural and historic region that has been in decline for decades.

One aspect stands out in terms of theoretical contributions to this study: the widening of discussions on leadership considering factors that go beyond organizational borders, providing evidence of inter-relationships between distinct, spatially-located social agents. In other words, it seeks to contribute with analyses that take into consideration the influence of space on the phenomenon of leadership, going beyond being a mere repository of social relationships. To recognize leadership as a contextual construct that emerges out of the complex interaction of leaders, social players, situations and organizational--urban environments is an important advancement for studies in the field, as it is a wider, multi-dimensional and dynamic perspective of the phenomenon of leadership. (Day & O'Connor, 2003; Uhl-Bien, 2003).

In addition, the study expands reflections that have been undertaken in modern times on the role of leaderships at various levels--business, public and community--in the building of urban environments more in tune with diversity and innovation. To this end it contributes to widening the view of leadership, with a proposal to understand it as having a more systemic and relational character, involving the dimensions of society, of the organization and of the individual, simultaneously. Such an approach aligns with the more contemporary leadership models that develop the emphasis on individual leaders and propose the notion of shared leadership, which arises out of the networks of interaction between social players in complex environments. It therefore requires a view of leadership as something that pertains to the collective and that resides in a system (Day & Harrison, 2007).

One should stress, in addition to what has already been mentioned, the important dialogue established between organizational and urban studies, such as the perspectives raised by authors like Jacobs (2011). Finally, at a practical level, contributions to the development of managerial policies and practices directed towards the building of urban-and also organizational--contexts more favorable to diversity and innovation are significant, as well as the manners of developing the proper leaderships to conduct them.

In addition to this introduction, the article addresses the theoretical review of the topic under analysis, the methodology used in the empirical study, and the empirical data analysis and conclusions of the study.

Theoretical Benchmark

Macro context: the notion of entrepreneurial city

The failure of the so-called Virtuous Circle of Fordism (Lipietz, 1985), in the 1970s, directs companies and also cities to processes of restructuring, involving built-in strategies such as intensifying the search for new markets, introducing new technologies and more flexible workforce management models, as well as expanding the communication and transportation systems and substituting the rigidity of the Fordist model for a new flexible order of accumulation (Harvey, 1989).

In the city framework, such a movement is evidence of the spread of a discourse that emphasizes the modernizing role of global cities (Ferreira, 2007; Kavaratzis, 2007; Martinez, 2012). A model that is structured on the idea that it is up to cities to be ready for the new global economy forces, acting as a physical support for the economic flows and corporate business.

From this perspective, some studies have specialized in discussing this new modality of strategic planning and urban marketing in the city context--broadly modeled on business management theories (Ferreira, 2007; Harvey, 1989). This plan presupposes the city as a magnet for business or capital, looking to make it competitive by investments in extensive local restructuring, communication and promotion (Harvey, 1989; Vainer, 2000).

For decades, many cities have adopted a philosophy of marketing and have applied techniques to reach their strategic and operational objectives (Kavaratzis, 2007; Martinez, 2012). According to Kavaratzis (2007), the commercialization of the city has constituted an important field of scientific investigation. Large European and North American cities, following this prescription, have undertaken large-scale operations of urban revitalization in degraded areas (Ferreira, 2007).

This contemporary trend of city planning may well weaken urban planning as a role exclusive to the State, reinforcing prospects of strategic planning conducted in partnership with private business (Luchiari, 2005). This new management phase of the city...

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