Dilma Rousseff já é inelegível? As contas, o TCU e o impeachment
Autor | Michael Freitas Mohallem |
Páginas | 347-349 |
Page 347
O parecer do Tribunal de Contas da União (TCU) pela rejeição das contas do governo já pode ter provocado a inelegibilidade da presidente por oito anos. Apesar de ser uma consequên cia dura, pode estar aí - e não no impeachment - um caminho razoável para enfrentar o problema das pedaladas.
Mesmo se conirmada pelo Congresso, a rejeição das contas não é suiciente para sustentar o impeachment da presidente. Por três razões: primeiro, a análise das "pedaladas iscais" foi casuística, não havendo base adequada para comparação de sua gravidade com nossas práticas institucionais. Segundo, numa democracia sadia, há outras formas de coibir esse tipo de manobra contábil. O que leva ao terceiro ponto: o uso do impeachment é desproporcional nessa situação. Seu uso pode banalizar o próprio instituto, trazendo instabilidade política para o Brasil.
Há pouco tempo, um jornal trazia na manchete que o governo Dilma é o primeiro a ter as contas reprovadas no TCU desde Getúlio Vargas. Mas não foi o primeiro, nem o único a dar causa à reprovação. O próprio relator das contas, Augusto Nardes, disse a uma revista semanal que, embora pedaladas tenham acontecido anteriormente, "melhorias recentes nas auditorias operacionais e inanceiras possibilitaram, pela primeira vez, que a corte identiicasse os malfeitos do governo". Além do processo novidadoso no TCU, também o Legislativo se mostra disposto - agora, no caso de Dilma - a mudar seus costumes. Nos últimos 14 anos o Congresso não havia votado sequer uma vez a conta de qualquer presidente.
Page 348
Do ponto de vista ético, como é claro, não faz sentido justiicar um malfeito com outro não julgado. A decisão do TCU e a análise do Congresso podem servir para mudar nossos hábitos institucionais deste ponto em diante. Mas, até aqui, qualquer juízo de gravidade sobre a "pedalada" de Dilma é casuístico. Simplesmente não há base para comparação: essa análise pelo TCU e pelo Congresso é inédita. Se houve mesmo mudança de atitude ou simples casuísmo por parte dessas instituições, só saberemos de fato em futuros governos. Mas a rejeição das contas deve ser interpretada nesse contexto institucional mais amplo.
Além disso, ao contrário do que parece ser a impressão geral na imprensa, não estamos diante de uma escolha binária: ou aplicamos o impeachment, ou tudo terá terminado em pizza. Há outras punições aplicáveis a quem faz manobras contábeis em violação à lei. No caso, aliás, foram manobras contábeis sem prejuízo...
Para continuar a ler
PEÇA SUA AVALIAÇÃO- O Supremo em 2015
- Os caminhos do impeachment
- A estratégia sem consequências de Gilmar Mendes no TSE
- Dilma Rousseff já é inelegível? As contas, o TCU e o impeachment
- Impeachment no STF - O olhar dos ministros sobre o caso Collor
- Juízes podem derrubar o presidente da República?
- Os embargos do impeachment e os critérios de interpretação
- As estratégias jurídicas e políticas por trás dos embargos de Cunha
- O impeachment foi suspenso?
- O passado e o futuro do impeachment
- Fachin tem razão: é preciso mudar o rito do caso Collor
- Julgamento do STF sobre impeachment já começou: na imprensa, não no plenário
- Impeachment: Supremo de Dilma não é o mesmo Supremo de Collor
- Medo levou Eduardo Cunha a iniciar impeachment contra Dilma Rousseff
- As críticas ao STF pelo resultado do julgamento do impeachment
- O 'fator Cunha' interferiu na decisão do STF sobre impeachment?
- STF disse, em 1992, que Senado tinha poder para barrar o impeachment
- STF define o rito do processo de impeachment da presidente Dilma Rousseff
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