Por que Lewandowski não pauta a ação da OAB sobre financiamento de campanha, retida por Gilmar?
Autor | Joaquim Falcão |
Páginas | 87-89 |
Page 87
Alguns alegam que o ministro Lewandowski nada pode fazer, por uma distinção doutrinária: o prazo que regulamenta pe-dido de vista seria um prazo "impróprio". Um prazo sem consequências imediatas para o processo - e, na prática, provavelmente sem consequência ou punição alguma para o juiz.
A opinião pública, espantada, perguntaria: para que serve então este prazo? Que doutrina é esta, capaz de esvaziar a utilidade, sentido, senso comum e bom senso das palavras?
Um prazo judicial de faz de conta não é um problema de interesse só das partes da ação. Erode condições necessárias do próprio estado democrático de direito.
Prazos impróprios não são exclusividade do regimento interno do Supremo. A doutrina formalista é pródiga em encontrá-los nos códigos de processo. Com isso, na prática, ajuda a encobrir privilégio sem nome: juízes podem não obedecer às leis que o Congresso produziu.
É isso mesmo? Por quê?
Em última instância, argumentam, porque, diante do volume e complexidade dos processos, preclusão e punição só podem ser realisticamente aplicadas às partes. E não ao juiz que, na prática, não teria como segui-los. São prazos irreais.
A desobediência não dependeria da vontade ou laboriosidade do juiz. Por isso o juiz não poderia ser responsabilizado apenas por ter descumprido o prazo. Será?
Page 88
Mesmo que os prazos escritos sejam irrealistas como política geral para o judiciário, o caminho do estado de direito seria mudar a lei, e não desobedecê-la. Mas há mais: sequer parece ser este o caso.
O ministro Mendes já declarou que quem deve decidir o inanciamento de campanha é o Congresso. Retém, pois, o pedido de vista por vontade própria, escolha estratégica individual, para não perder na votação interna e, assim, dar tempo para o Congresso votar a questão.
Ao justiicar sua desobediência voluntária, com o argumento de que se deve esperar pelo Congresso, ou de que esta ação seria manobra encoberta do PT, o ministro está, na verdade, votando fora dos autos, do plenário e da sessão.
Temos então dois processos e dois Supremos. Um formal e outro real. O ministro Lewandowski preside aquele. O ministro Mendes, este. E este, veta aquele.
E isto ainda que o ministro Lewandowski visivelmente entenda que o ministro Mendes faz política através dos votos. Como aconteceu na sessão plenária de 27 de maio . Um visivelmente contrariado ministro Lewandowski acusou o ministro Mendes de fazer política com seu voto.
Reconhecer e explicitar essa tensão...
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